Wall Street plummeted as concerns over European debt and the US economic downturn spurred a broad sell-off. Photograph: Shen Hong/Xinhua Press/Corbis

Read my article from Guardian Cif, Friday 19th August:

As bank shares and stock markets plummet, and investors flock to the safety of government bonds; as obstinate EU leaders crucify their countries in a futile struggle to defend today’s equivalent of the gold standard; as British and American politicians adopt austerity policies and drive their economies closer to the cliffs of depression; and as most professional economists stand aloof from the escalating crisis – what lies ahead for ordinary punters like you and me?

First, let’s take look at the big political picture. This crisis is already sharpening the divide between left and right in both the EU and the United States. Studying a precedent – the implosion of the 1920s credit bubble in 1929 – we note that four years after that crisis erupted, the political divide sharpened decisively. The United States and Britain moved to the left. Germany chose a different path. After 1930, Germany’s Centre party under Chancellor Brüning adopted austerity policies that resulted in cuts in welfare benefits and wages, while credit was tightened. At the same time the German government engaged in wildly excessive borrowing from the liberalised international capital markets. The ground was laid for the rise of fascism.

Four years after the “debtonation” of August 2007, our political classes in both the EU and the US have consciously declined to restrain out-of-control finance sectors or to fix broken, effectively insolvent banks. Instead, central bankers deployed taxpayer-backed resources (quantitative easing) to finance, guarantee and bail out bankers who then went on a wild, speculative spending spree.

At the same time, politicians imposed austerity on the more socially useful and productive sectors of the economy, both public and private. In both the EU and US these economic strategies have angered the populace and emboldened the right; in particular the far right. Looking ahead through the political lenses of austerity, street rioting and Tea Party obstructionism, the signs are ominous.

And then there is the impact on our own living standards. For comparisons and precedent, we need only look at Japan. Our politicians and central bankers have not learned from Japan’s crisis, which preceded our own. We are, therefore, destined to follow Japan’s disastrous record of lost decades of economic activity. As in Japan, so here: a broken banking system, crushed by the weight of unpayable debts on its balance sheet, fails to lend to businesses at affordable rates. Pretty soon this constrains investment. First-time buyers can’t get affordable loans or overdrafts, placing downward pressure on property prices.

A fall in investment is compounded by government policies for austerity – rises in VAT, and cuts in public spending. These policies trigger a rise in unemployment. Rising unemployment causes people to snap their purses shut, placing even further downward pressure on prices, profits, wages and employment. The downward spiral is then hard to arrest.

Property prices across Japan have continued to slide uninterrupted for nearly two decades. Hard though it may be for us to accept, it is not impossible to imagine UK property prices falling for the next two decades.

Just as here, Japan’s politicians and central bankers exaggerated the risks of inflation, reflecting the concerns of bankers and creditors – who fear inflation will erode the value of their outstanding loans. And so they were slow to a) use monetary policy to help the broader economy recover, and b) to restructure banks. The primary Keynesian tools for reversing the Great Depression were an aggressive monetary policy combined with extensive restructuring of the banking system.

While Keynes is largely defined (by his enemies) as a fiscal activist, he was first and foremost a monetary economist. In other words, he believed that if governments and central bankers would only fix the money system – by lowering rates of interest for all borrowers (not just the banks); by injecting QE into productive, socially useful projects; and by restructuring the banking system – the rest of the economy could be helped to recover.

Because our politicians and central bankers have so firmly rejected these lessons, prospects don’t look good for us at all. Instead, we would do well to echo Frank Zappa’s realism: “I mean to say that every day/Is just another rotten mess/And when it’s gonna change, my friend/Is anybody’s guess.”

Unemployment poster ‘jobless men keep going, we can’t take care of our own’, 1931.

We write to encourage you – to urge you on in your resistance.

In your defiance, you understand Greece is slave to the interests of private wealth.

You must understand too that it is private wealth that needs Greece. Greece does not need private wealth.

As is obvious to you – if not to EU finance ministers – Greek and other EU taxpayers are asked to shore up the immense wealth and reckless lending of private French, German, British and American banks.

Without your taxes, your sacrifices, the privatisation of your government’s assets, these bankers once again face Armageddon – as they did in autumn of 2008.

Just as then, so now they have rushed behind the ‘skirts’ of their defenders at the IMF and the EU. On their behalf, these unelected officials and some elected politicians demand that Greek and EU taxpayers shield private sector risk-takers from the consequences of their risks. The very antipathy of market principles.

In the process, the European Union is torn apart. Politicians, backed by officials, now defy the founding goals of the Community and, in the interests of private wealth, set the peoples of Europe against each other.

On 20 June, 2011 the acting Head of the IMF called for “immediate and far-reaching structural reforms, privatization, and the opening of markets to foreign ownership and competition.”

Which proves our point: private wealth needs Greece. Greece does not need private wealth.

Greece’s elected politicians have plunged the country into a spiral of decline, as austerity leads to greater economic crisis, more severe failure of public finances and social and economic hardship on a scale unknown since the inter-war years.

Is there anybody on earth who seriously believes that austerity will restore the prosperity of Greece? The idea is ludicrous.

But equally ludicrous is the idea that there is no alternative.

There is an alternative.

In reality, austerity marks the final failure of the existing arrangement between public interests and the interests of private wealth. Financial liberalisation has failed. The only way forward is a new arrangement, based on ones that have better served societies since the dawn of civilisation: since Aristotle identified the evils of usury and the barrenness of prosperity based on speculation.

The first step must be the abandoning of the Euro.

The Euro must be understood not as a currency of the peoples, but as an ideal of private wealth.

The Euro is a perversion of the greatest monies in history. These arose as a relation between people and the state. Through the institutional development of central banks, domestic banks, state borrowing, paper currency and double-entry book keeping, national monies have underpinned all of the greatest societies of the world.

Money has been aimed at the interests of society, of productive labour, and vibrant state and private activity alike.

But the Euro is a money aimed only at the interests of private wealth. It is divorced from individual nation states. Its statutes explicitly prohibit the support of state activity through money creation, while its foundation in monetarist doctrine inhibits private activity and has led to a world devoid of markets, at the mercy of large financial monopolies.

Greece must restore the Drachma

If Greece restores the Drachma, social, private and financial interests can be re-aligned; prosperity can be reignited. Issued through the central bank and domestic retail banks, the Drachma can underpin a programme of public works expenditures, and in parallel, through multiplier processes, the spending of newly earned income to revive private activity in Greece. Through the Drachma, jobs and prosperity can be restored. The expertise to facilitate such a transition exists, moreover the very nature of money guarantees precedent on which action can be based.

It has been done before – successfully

The last time the world threw off the chains of private wealth was in the 1930s. Then, Britain led the way. In September 1931, financial interests demanded high interest rates and austerity as the impact of the Great Depression hammered the people. At this point Britain, like Greece today, became defiant. The UK threw off its fetters and left the gold standard – the Euro of a century ago.

Under Keynes’s tutelage, Sterling was revived as a money managed by the Bank of England and protected from speculative and vested interest. Then in 1934, President Roosevelt freed the dollar, and with it, the people of the United States, who then embarked on the finest programme of public works expenditures known in modern history.

Great public buildings were erected, symphony orchestras established, writers were sponsored – not least John Steinbeck – fantastic murals created, swimming pools built. When, in 1935, a socialist government took power in France and freed the Franc from the fetters of the gold standard, only the fascist economies remained in thrall to private wealth.

Interrupted by war, and diluted at Bretton Woods in 1947, finance was still restrained as servant not master through the age of economic and social advance from 1945-1970.

Today, the likelihood of the UK or US once again taking this lead – and defending society from the predations of private wealth – is slim indeed. But there is no theoretical reason why the lead should not be taken by a smaller nation – like Greece.

The history of the world teaches us the ebb and flow of prosperity between nations. It would be fitting too if a new era was to arise from the cradle of western civilisation.

Certainly Greece would feel the full force of the anger of private wealth, through their allies in the media, academia and politics. But this will follow from fear – not reason.

Because Greece will show the world not only that there is an alternative, but that the alternative is very good.

Posted simultaneously on the Huffington Post >

(Photo: REUTERS / Yiorgos Karahalis )
A Greek riot policeman stands in front of graffiti written on the wall of a bank during violent demonstrations over austerity measures in Athens, May 5, 2010. Greece faced a day of violent protests and a nationwide strike by civil servants outraged by the announcement of draconian austeristy measures.

Dear readers….Recovering from ‘flu and a trip down to Hay on Wye…Thought you might be interested in this piece I have written for Prime.

“We should note recent developments in political economy, that – while understated – are, we hope, of significance. Last week, the OECD published their latest World Economic Outlook, which features chapters on each developed economy as well as an assessment of the world economy as a whole.

The report is schizophrenic. It clumsily offers an outlook of excessive optimism; makes a selective assessment of ‘risks’; but continues adherence to an economic policy doctrine that is clearly making OECD economists very uncomfortable.

While the OECD report contains the expected justifications and support for the ‘austerity’ approach, nevertheless the organisation’s ‘cold feet’ are becoming apparent, even before the full extent of austerity programmes has begun to impact. There is no better example of this unease than their approach to the UK.

The report commends UK policymakers for their “current fiscal consolidation (which) strikes the right balance and should continue.”  At the same time, OECD economists hedge their bets by urging the UK government to embark on “higher infrastructure spending (that) would lower the short-term negative growth effects of consolidation without affecting its pace.”   At a press conference last week, the OECD chief economist warned that the UK should be prepared to cool austerity in the wake of weaker growth.

In parallel, President Obama was reported as disappointing the expectations of UK policymakers by failing to endorse the Government’s approach to economic policy. While Obama has not proved the champion of the better world that we had all hoped, – he is no FDR -  his stance is important and perhaps even brave.

In the second half of 2010 the world economy began to weaken, but this is greatly underplayed by OECD economists.  Instead they point to a perceived optimistic outlook ahead. But this outlook is thinly based. We are told that financial conditions are improving: but in the UK the latest assessments of project Merlin flatly contradict such a notion.

Source: www.telegraph.co.uk. Data: BBa / BIS / Bank of England

In the real economy, world trade has retreated substantially from the relatively rapid outturns at the start of 2010. The report recognises that this is a consequence of monetary policy tightening in emerging markets and the wearing off of stimulus packages in major economies. The retraction of earlier stimulus programmes by the US and EU is rather an understatement. Stimulus has not only been withdrawn, it has been replaced by austerity.

So what are the grounds for OECD optimism?   Especially given that their economists remain obsessed by inflation as the causa causans of all possible outcomes. Their overriding fear is that inflation will cause consumers to retrench. This threat is then used to justify tighter monetary policies – which would hurt over-indebted consumers, corporates and SMEs. But unemployment is a much more important driver of consumer behaviour. Wage earners snap their purses shut in the wake of what for many millions is the reality of, and for others the threat of, unemployment. Inflation is no doubt painful to the less well-off, but from a macroeconomic perspective ‘core inflation’ today is at low levels, no matter how much the OECD tries to play it up. Watch out as inflation falls rapidly over the next few months, in line with weakening economies.

The austerity and fierce monetary strategies embarked on by governments – already burdened by losses transmitted by the private banking crisis – have been directed by the civil servants of supra-national organisations: such as the OECD and IMF as well as the global central banking fraternity. These public employees enjoy immense influence, and as the the president of the European Central Bank, Jean-Claude Trichet indicated in a speech on 2 June, 2011 they wish to capture:

“a much deeper and authoritative say in the formation of the country’s economic policies….. A direct influence, well over and above the reinforced surveillance that is presently envisaged”

Given the ECB’s role in exacerbating the crisis in Greece (described by Nouriel Roubini as ‘throwing good money after bad – to bail out, rather than bailing in, reckless creditors….a giant Ponzi scheme”)  such “authoritative” advice  by supra-national organisations has crucified economies “in a struggle which is certain to prove futile” –  to quote Keynes.

But the OECD’s latest report hints that minds might be changing. It contains the beginnings of the admission that the world is being forced down a desperate path that has no justification in economic reason and the evidence of history. The experience of the great depression stands before us. It was only enlightened monetary policies and expansionary fiscal policy that restored the US and UK not only to health but to a position to resist reactionary forces and fascism.  The current strategy is likely to make us more vulnerable to reactionary political forces – in the EU and the US.

Some might like to celebrate the previous timid stimulus for e.g. car scrappage schemes etc, under both Alastair Darling and the Larry Summers White House.  But in the light of present events, it is clear that their approach was designed not to save society but to preserve a financial system that has palpably failed the vast majority of the citizens of the world.

We at PRIME economics have repeatedly called for something greater and more just. Perhaps the foot-shuffling of the OECD indicates recognition that imposing austerity policies at a time of global economic weakness is indeed a futile struggle – soon to be abandoned?”

Speigel Online: 5th November 2008

My hope is that the next US president will help build a new, more just, stable and sustainable global financial architecture, vital for balance and stability in the world economy, but also for the eco-system…

Read More (scroll halfway down)

21st October, 2008

A new Bretton Woods: To save economies and the planet, we must tame markets,upsize the state, and downsize the global single market.  This piece is derived loosely from the book I edited at the new economics foundation “Real World Economic Outlook” (Palgrave, 2006). The proposal for an International Clearing Agency draws on John Maynard Keynes’ proposal for an International Clearing Union, but also on additional insights by Jane D’Arista of the Financial Markets Center in the US.

Read more here…

Is Warren Buffett right? If this bail-out had been passed by congress, would it have halted the meltdown?

I don’t believe so. Here’s why…

First, this is a bail-out of a small number of shareholders and creditors with stakes in Wall Street financial institutions – people like investment guru Warren Buffett – and potentially some foreign banks.

Almost as an aside, Section 23 of the Act requires that Treasury Secretary Henry Paulson “take into consideration…..the need to help families keep their homes and to stabilize communities”.

He may well take their plight into consideration, but Congress has given him full discretion, and he is under no obligation to act.

But to understand why the bail-out is framed in this way, and why it will not work, let’s delve a little deeper into the economic policies that got us into this mess.
Reckless lending

The reason banks have excessive debts lies with government and Federal Reserve policies to de-regulate credit creation – policies introduced from the 1970s onwards.

This made it easy – and highly profitable – for banks to lend recklessly. The Fed and other central banks turned a blind eye to the terms on which banks, and the growing shadow banking sector, lent.

Second, the Fed, as with other central banks, effectively gave up its powers to control the rate of interest across the board, for safe and risky, and short and long-term loans. Instead interest rates – the price of credit – were effectively privatised.

Next the government’s policies ensured that the share of the national cake (GDP) going to employees in the form of wages and other compensation, fell for the three decades after the 1970s. That too, was no accident.

Third, all that ‘easy money’ or credit acted like a giant pump, and inflated the price of assets e.g. property. The rich on the whole own assets, and could use their assets to borrow even more ‘easy money’, flip condos, move up the property market, buy stocks, race horses, works of art etc.

So asset prices rose higher, and higher. This helps explains why the rich became richer and the poor, poorer.

Easy credit

The less well-off, those without assets, but with falling incomes, were not so lucky. To put a roof over the heads of their families, to go to college, they had to borrow. They even took to using credit cards to pay everyday food bills etc. The very poor – sub-primers – were given loans, but at very high, and very profitable, rates.

While the credit pump inflated asset prices, it also encouraged consumption. People used easy credit to go shopping – on a grand scale.

Anglo-American governments gave up on other sectors of the economy – i.e. manufacturing – and believed foolishly, that we could all live by shopping or by services, like hairdressing and financial services, while the Chinese manufactured our goods.

Now the credit pump is broken, and the bubble has burst. Asset prices are falling, and people are not shopping on the same scale.

What broke the pump? First and foremost, the very high, real rates of interest that had to be paid on these debts. Because of the privatisation of interest, these rates were high (eg: the rate charged on your credit card), even when official (i.e. central bank base rates) were low. Secondly, falling real incomes made it hard to repay rising debts. So people began to default.

These defaults began to expose the reckless lending of banks, and these institutions too began to fail. The rest is history.

Overhaul needed

What would it take to fix the system. A bail-out of banks?

No, what is required is an overhaul of the whole economic system; a system-wide fix.

• That means, first, dumping the orthodox free-market zealots responsible for the policies that got us into this mess. Frederick Hayek’s and Milton Friedman’s de-regulation policies have already been dis-credited, with Republicans obliged to disown Margaret Thatcher and Ronald Reagan’s contempt for government.

• Second, it will be vital to restore to the Federal Reserve and other central banks the power to set the rate of interest – across the whole spectrum of lending, so that all rates can be lowered on the massive debts incurred across the board in countries that followed the Anglo-American economic model.

• Third, we must abandon the policy of holding down wages and other forms of compensation, especially if we want people to repay debts, and help salvage the banks. Jobs will have to be protected, or even created by government, and incomes must rise.

• Fourth, we have to simply write off the debts of those poor people who cannot ever repay. Just as we write off the debts of companies or governments that can no longer pay, so we must recognise that many citizens are effectively insolvent. The refusal to acknowledge this truth lies at the heart of Mr Paulson’s plan – and that is why his plan will fail.

Only a system-wide fix of economic policies will help restore stability to the Anglo-American economies. But with orthodox economists like Mr Paulson and Fed chairman Ben Bernanke still at the helm – expect Anglo-American economies to keep lurching down the long road to Depression.