Photo by Maz Kessler

Joan Walsh of www.salon.com asked me some questions on Occupy Wall Street and wrote this article:

As the Occupy Wall Street movement spreads to dozens more cities and towns, it’s waking many Americans to the unrivaled control Wall Street exerts over American politics and the economy. It’s also shining a spotlight on the crushing amount of debt carried by Americans today – debt that’s at the core of our lingering economic troubles, which many experts believe can never realistically be repaid.

In 2007, American debt was 100 percent of GDP; today, after an austerity binge, it’s down to 90 percent, which is still a stunning imbalance. Almost a quarter of all home mortgages today are currently underwater, 2 million homes are in the foreclosure process – and at least 5 million homes have already lost to foreclosure since 2007. American student loan debt is over $1 trillion right now, higher than American credit card debt, with the average student leaving school with about $24,000 in loans.

The debt crisis that’s at the heart of the global economic crisis has sparked some fascinating debate about whether and how American banks should restructure and even write off some of that debt. Our own Alex Pareene proposed that writing off all consumer debt should be a demand of the so far demand-free Occupy Wall Street movement. In fact, even some mainstream economists back some form of debt write-off. Last week a Reuters special report found surprising  establishment support for some modern version of the biblical concept of “Jubilee,” a recurring period, every 50 years or so, during which debts were forgiven.

Reuters gets one thing wrong: It claims the notion of “Jubilee,” hilariously, came to public consciousness thanks to a 2009 “South Park” episode about it (in which Kyle used a credit card to pay off everyone’s debts, in order to stimulate the local economy). In fact, more than 15 years ago, an inspiring global movement coalesced around a demand for “Jubilee 2000,” to free developing nations from their crushing debt burdens to public and private lenders and the austerity imposed by the International Monetary Fund.

I turned to political economist Ann Pettifor, the director of Jubilee 2000 from 1994 to 2001, to get her thoughts about OWS. She is the director of Advocacy International as well as the macroeconomic think tank PRIME.  Pettifor is also the author of the prescient 2006 book “The Coming First World Debt Crisis” and, more recently, with Maz Kessler, of “Cutting the Diamond: How to Shape a Movement to Make Transformational Change Happen.”

Are you encouraged by the OWS movement in the U.S.?

I am cautiously trying to understand the OWS movement from a distance, but from the news and intelligence that I have gathered, I am hugely encouraged and inspired. It is a movement that has already, in just a few weeks, given voice to many thousands of impoverished and indebted Americans, and that alone is a significant achievement. Once people are given voice, and once they understand that they can act collectively, there is no knowing what transformative power they find within themselves.  So I watch with some anticipation as this movement changes the dynamic between people, the White House and Congress, and between people and Wall Street.

It strikes me that this American movement stands on the shoulders of the very first, the American Revolution. As Benjamin Franklin argued, the colonists were provoked into revolt by the greed of British bankers, who bribed Parliament to introduce a Currency Act, which made it illegal for the colonies to print their own money. This meant that all taxes to Britain had to be paid in silver or gold. Those without silver and gold had to borrow them at interest from the banks – causing debt, unemployment and poverty to escalate in the colonies.

Then there are the broad shoulders of the “Greenbackers,” who just over a hundred years ago invented the idea of the March on Washington, and argued for detaching the dollar from gold to allow government to spend freely on job-creation programs.

Yes, and all Americans learn about that, if they learn anything, is the out-of-context William Jennings Bryan quote about the “cross of gold” – and then that Bryan opposed Darwinism during the Scopes trial. He’s remembered as an eccentric, if he’s remembered at all.

Bryan was wrestling with a really difficult issue: the nature of credit and the power of the producers of credit vs. the power of the producers of food, goods and services.  And he and his followers didn’t get it right, and yes, he was wrong on some other big issues. But he and the Greenbackers resisted Organized Money, and so we should not be surprised that their resistance is deliberately forgotten. “The Wizard of Oz” is all that remains of their story, and the true meaning of that story is lost to today’s generations.

Then there are the shoulders of 1930s Americans, including American Democrats, who four years after the 1929 Crash resisted the predations of Wall Street, and elected a government that tamed the finance sector. So to watch a people’s movement rise up against finance again — on the shoulders of these great Americans — is indeed a privilege.

How important is the symbolic power of targeting Wall Street?

Targeting Wall Street is not symbolic. And Wall Street’s power is not symbolic either.  The 99 percent are right. Wall Street is where U.S. financial and political power lies. The United States is a bank-owned state that enslaves its people in debt; and Wall Street is home to the banks.  Congress is in debt to Wall Street. In other words, like many Americans, Congress is enslaved.

Although the movement has yet to coalesce around a set of demands (to the chagrin of more pragmatic, action-oriented activists) it’s clear that the issue of bank power and consumer debt is practically and symbolically resonating. Are there any parallels with the early development of the Jubilee 2000 movement? And will you briefly describe the movement.

Jubilee 2000 was a campaign that mobilized many millions of people in more than 60 countries behind an effort to “break the chains of debt” that effectively enslaved poor debtor countries to rich creditor countries.  Like the British 19th century anti-slavery campaign, Jubilee 2000 arose as a response to a movement – people in poor debtor countries demonstrating against and resisting decades of foreign debt repayments, and the associated International Monetary Fund “structural adjustment” programs.

The IMF was, and is, the agent of the finance sector, all global creditors, official and private. Riots and resistance in debtor nations were triggered by policies imposed by the IMF on behalf of bankers, and included hikes in food and gasoline prices, increases in unemployment, cuts in government programs – all designed to generate resources for the repayment of foreign debts.  Jubilee 2000 set out to place pressure on creditors, one of which was our own government, to cancel these debts, and thereby render the IMF and its policies redundant.

But let me make clear: Jubilee 2000 was not the anti-debt, anti-IMF, anti-globalization movement. It was a campaign that for a few years harnessed a part of the global anti-debt, anti-IMF movement behind a specific, achievable goal: to drop the debt [of the poorest countries] by the year 2000, under a fair and transparent process.

Movements are broad, collective mobilizations, often arising spontaneously in response to injustice.  They are vital in giving voice to the voiceless. Campaigns are organized, have institutional capacity and adopt specific goals and targets. If well-designed and thought through, campaigns can harness the energy and power of a movement to achieve specific goals. Examples of great campaigns that harnessed movements against injustice, and achieved transformative change, include the movements to abolish slavery, to win the vote for women, to expand civil and political rights to African-Americans, and in this case, to “Drop the Debt.”

All of these campaigns had a specific legislative goal that altered the balance of power: between slaves and their owners; between women and men; and between black people and white people.  Jubilee 2000 succeeded in one of its goals: getting about $100 billion of debt written off for 35 poor countries — a huge achievement.  But we failed to achieve structural legislative change.  We failed to alter the balance of power between international creditors and sovereign debtors.

Instead, under pressure from millions of campaigners, creditors caved in. They, not an independent tribunal, decided which debtor country would get relief, how much relief would be given, and the terms of the relief. If we had achieved structural change, the debt write-offs would have been much bigger, Greece would not be in turmoil, and the eurozone would not be in crisis.

I feel a little strange linking the American consumer debt crisis to the global crisis addressed by Jubilee 2000, which was an effort to help desperate impoverished nations get out from under their crushing debt to powerful nations, including the U.S. And yet, it seems as though we can link the forces pushing debt, with harsh conditions, on struggling countries, with the forces pushing debt on American workers, students and families. Can you help me tease that out a little?

There are strong parallels between the Wall Street resistance movement that is growing in the U.S. today, and the IMF resistance movements that mobilized people in poor, debtor nations from the 1970s onward. The most important is this: both sovereign debt – the debts of whole nations – and individual, household and corporate debt in the U.S. rose dramatically after the deregulation of the private finance sector in the 1970s.  Associated with this rise in debt, were policies that impoverished those without financial assets, and wildly enriched those who had gained financial assets – by fair means or foul.

These levels of debt did not exist in the immediate postwar period. There was not a single international financial crisis between 1945 and 1971 according to the great historian of the financial system, Barry Eichengreen. And similarly, Americans were not burdened by rising debts and falling incomes during that period. The unregulated, liberalized expansion of credit and debt began quietly after President Nixon unilaterally dismantled the Bretton Woods system in 1971. Liberalization was given further impetus by President Reagan and later President Clinton, and as a result the rise of ultimately unpayable debts accelerated in the ’80s, ’90s and ’00s.

Millions of Americans are today enslaved by what in biblical times was called “usury,” the exploitation of those without money by those with money.  Bankers and financiers whose place it is to act as “servant” to the real economy in which Americans work and live, have instead become “stupid masters” of a world crafted, designed, worked and built, not by financiers, but by ordinary hardworking Americans.

As Ramsay MacDonald, Britain’s first Labour prime minister, once argued, “No community can be free until it controls its financial organization….”

The Occupy Wall Street movement seems to understand this.

Not that you or I are in charge of crafting either demands or proposals for OWS, but what might be some ways to approach a call for debt forgiveness? Can you start with student loans? Mortgages?

I would not use the language of “debt forgiveness.” This phrase was strictly prohibited in Jubilee 2000, because it implied that the debtor was the “sinner” and needed “forgiveness.” Instead we argued that there is co-responsibility for the debt, and within that frame the more powerful creditor must take a greater share of responsibility for the losses associated with the debt. As things stand in the U.S., as far as I can see, Wall Street takes no responsibility for the vast debts it heaped on the shoulders of working Americans – debts vast as space.

Second, I would absolutely demand a “Debt Jubilee” – especially for students –  based on the biblical principle outlined in Leviticus 25. A very large proportion of the debts owed by the American people cannot and will not ever be repaid. And if this debt is to be deleveraged in a disorderly, unmanaged way, then America will have decades of economic failure and social unrest ahead. Unfortunately, Wall Street bribed and lobbied the second Bush administration to implement a much tighter bankruptcy law, which favors lenders and penalizes debtors.  This law will have to be modified, and a “debt Jubilee” introduced.

We must remember that Jubilee principle is not just a tradition of the Torah or Old Testament; it was fundamental to the American Revolution and subsequently to the fight against slavery. It is a powerful symbol of American independence, which is why the text from Leviticus 25 is engraved on the Liberty Bell in Philadelphia: “Sound the trumpet of Jubilee, and declare Liberty throughout the land.”

Are there lessons from other crises in other countries?

I think the lessons to be learned are American. There are the lessons from the Revolution; the failed “Greenbackers” movement, and their populist leader, William Jennings Bryan. Above all, there are the lessons taught by President Franklin D. Roosevelt. In the 1930s, under Roosevelt’s leadership, Wall Street was once again made servant to the people of the United States. The Pecora Hearings dragged bankers into Congress to explain their misdeeds.   Structural legislative change, in the form of the Glass-Steagall Act and the setting up of the FDIC, subordinated bankers to the interests of the economy as a whole.  In his famous Oct. 31, 1936, speech, Roosevelt describes the

… struggle with the old enemies of peace — business and financial monopoly, speculation, reckless banking, class antagonism, sectionalism, war profiteering. They had begun to consider the Government of the United States as a mere appendage to their own affairs. We know now that Government by organized money is just as dangerous as Government by organized mob. Never before in all our history have these forces been so united against one candidate as they stand today. They are unanimous in their hate for me — and I welcome their hatred.

I’d rather look forward than backward, but did the Obama administration miss any key solutions as it dealt with the banking crisis and TARP in 2009?

Unlike President Roosevelt, President Obama and his advisors did not seem to welcome Wall Street’s hatred. Instead, in a fatal miscalculation, they bowed to “organized money.” Wall Street bankers were bailed out – unconditionally. Unlike the contracts that enslave millions of Americans, there were few “terms and conditions” for the bailout, and by the time the administration finally got around to discussing these in Dodd-Frank, Wall Street bankers had succeeded in turning Congress into a “mere appendage to their own affairs,” in Roosevelt’s words.

Occupy Wall Street is mobilizing a movement. We now need a second American revolution – a campaign that will structurally alter the balance of power between ordinary Americans and Wall Street.

Are there practical sorts of proposals, or next steps, you’d like to see this movement begin to coalesce around?

This one is tricky. I hear from friends that there is determined opposition to leadership, and therefore to organization. And I respect that approach by the movement, as well as their processes for communicating and mobilizing. There is profound disillusionment with both President Obama and political organizations, in particular the Democratic Party.

So it is not for me to suggest any practical steps. However, I do believe, as I am sure many of the 99 percent do, that just demonstrating is not enough. Specific campaigns and organization to achieve structural legislative change will be necessary.

But for now, let’s wait and see how this new movement spreads and grows. For the first time since the crash of 2007-09, I am optimistic!

Last Sunday I went on the Sunday Morning show with Ricky Ross to talk about Jubilee 2000, the fight to cancel the debt of the world’s poorest countries, and how the campaign on issues of international finance, sovereign debt and social justice continue.

I also got to play some of my favourite bits of music – Janet Baker singing the Mendelssohn Aria ‘O Rest in the Lord’ and Bob Marley’s ‘Redemption Song’.

Listen to the whole show here – my interview starts at 7 minutes in:

http://www.bbc.co.uk/programmes/b013n0zg

4th January, 2010

I am proud of the great Jubilee 2000 petition, which I helped draft.

Within a short time, and making revolutionary use of the internet, we had circulated the petition worldwide.  Millions were printed, signed and returned in battered packages to our small HQ in London.

As Paula Goldman noted in an article in the Financial Times (17 May 2008) “the Jubilee 2000 petition holds two world records, according to Guinness World Records: it was the largest petition ever signed (24,391,181 signatures) and the most international (with people from 166 countries signing). Sheer size was no doubt key to the Jubilee petition’s success: when talking to decision-makers, campaigners could rightly claim historic levels of public interest.”

Now our example is being followed by the people of Iceland.

About one quarter of Iceland’s voters – 56,000 people – recently signed a petition which urges President Olaf Ragnar Grimsson to ‘drop the debt’ owed to the British and Dutch governments.  This petition reflects the view of 70% of Icelanders, according to a poll taken in August.

This debt – which amounts to 12,000 Euros per Icelandic citizen – is the result of reckless lending by an unregulated, private bank – and reckless, unregulated borrowing by British and Dutch depositors that earned high real rates of interest on their risky deposits – until things went wrong.

For political reasons, these depositors were bailed out by the British and Dutch governments – at a cost of about 50 Euros per citizen.

A country with a population the size of the city of Leicester – 317,000 – is now asked to bear the full burden of losses incurred by a private bank, and by private citizens in two countries with a joint population of 76 million.

Icelanders – the people of countries as diverse as Rwanda, the Phillipines and Argentina feel your pain. Millions of Jubilee 2000 campaigners would salute your struggle to drop the debt. They would urge you to follow their example, and keep up the pressure. After all they did not give up until more than $100 billion of debt owed by 42 countries was acknowledged as unpayable by powerful creditors.

You dear people of Iceland, can do the same.

Debtonation Readers: This is the full version of my latest blog for Huffington Post:15th March, 2009

Once a-ponzi time, millions worshiped at the feet of the Wizards of Finance.  These Wizards preached an economic religion that promised security and an abundance of riches from the ‘Emerald City’ — Wall St.

Investors following this religion were led to believe that they could make capital gains effortlessly and endlessly.

To make these gains, it was argued, there was no need for protection from the authorities. 401(k) plans were safe in the hands of the Wizards. There was also no need for investors to engage in hard work: to invest in research; to engage more labor; to sweat at making goods or delivering services.

There would be no need to save.  Money would be made effortlessly.

Above all, argued the Wizards, there would be no need to consider limits — financial, environmental or human. There would be no limit to consumption. No limit to the amount of credit created by private bankers. No need to consider the limits imposed by the ecosystem, or limits to the exploitation of labor — whether in the US or China.

And so investors, armed with a firm belief in Wizards, unlimited credit, economic growth and exploitation, marched down the yellow brick road. They borrowed and invested. Then they went shopping.

Even though the average business enterprise makes returns of roughly 3-5% each year, Junior Wizard Madoff promised, and delivered to investors a 10% annual return on investments. Some like Eli Wiesel, invested $15 million with him and thought he “was God“.

Millions more gathered behind the TV tipster, Jim Cramer and hailed his idolatrous motto: “In Cramer we Trust”.

Some believers raised questions about how the Wizards made such extraordinary capital gains?  They were quickly silenced, and told by the Sorcerers at the Fed and in Congress not to worry their pretty heads about the complexities or duplicities of these capital gains.

Instead they were simply to have faith.

The Chief Wizard — Alan Greenspan — waved his magic financial markets wand, and with the help of politicians, effectively dispensed with government regulation of credit-creation. He and his friends in the ‘Emerald City’ then rustled up a gigantic credit bubble. This bubble financed the inflation of assets, and immeasurably increased the wealth of those who owned assets: e.g. property, stocks and shares and works of art.

Those without assets — the poor, and those known as ‘sub-primers’ — were forced to borrow at very high rates of interest. If they could not borrow or had to rely just on their wages, they were denied access to the ‘Emerald City’. They became poorer.

As the rich got richer, they fell worshipfully at the feet of Chief Wizard Greenspan, who promised each and all the equivalent of a pair of ‘ruby slippers’.

All they had to do was believe.  And so they did.

But then came the tornado. Investors were rudely awakened from their dream.

Now there is a dawning realization that while millions may have felt enriched, they were in fact, duped and robbed.

While they thought they had ‘gained the whole world’, in fact something much more valuable was lost.

Trust.

Now it seems, Americans are ditching the Greenspan belief system, and losing faith in the Wizards of Finance. It turns out they are mere gnomes, and have no supernatural powers at all.

This is disastrous. The loss of faith and trust in finance undermines not just the reputation of the Wizards, but the financial system, sound businesses, hard-working Americans — and the entire global economy.

To stabilize the financial system, and to right the global economy, we need to restore faith and trust in the way banks do business.

For that to happen, it is vital that the money-lenders and their lobbyists are chased from the temple, and the temple is restored ‘to the ancient truths’ to quote Roosevelt’s 1933 inaugural speech.  ‘The measure of the restoration lies in the extent to which we apply social values more noble than mere monetary profit.’

These values are common to all the Abrahamic faiths — Jewish, Christian and Muslim, and are well known to most Americans. These are some of them:

I am the Lord your God, who brought you out of the land of Egypt, out of the house of slavery;

Do not have any other gods before me.

You shall not make for yourself an idol.

You shall not bow down to them or worship them…

Remember the Sabbath day and keep it holy.

The seventh day is a Sabbath to the Lord your God; you shall not do any work — you, your son or your daughter, your male or female slave, your livestock, or the alien resident in your towns.

You shall not steal.

You shall not bear false witness against your neighbor.

You shall not covet your neighbor’s house… or anything that belongs to your neighbor.

The point about these ‘ancient truths’ is that they are rules. Regulations that underpinned the values of all civilizations. And to our great cost, we have ignored them. We have de-regulated.

The one most ignored by the Wizards was the rule of the Sabbath — a form of regulation that periodically corrects imbalances — every 7 days, every 7 years (think of sabbaticals) or every 7 x 7 years (think of Jubilee). A form of regulation that underpins the system defined by Ched Myers as Sabbath Economics.

Sabbath economics places limits on the exploitation of labor, of livestock and of the land, in the broadest sense. It is environmental law, and it’s labor law.

During the decades of de-regulation, the concept of 24/7 was introduced. Money markets whirred 24 hours a day, each working day. There was to be no limit to the exploitation of labor, or livestock or land; or to consumption. The ecosystem would expand, it was believed, just like the credit bubble — into eternity.

If we are to restore stability to the financial system, to tackle this spiritual crisis, and to restore faith, we will have to first revive the ancient truths and regulations. Including the truth about limits.

We will have to bring an end to the idolatry of these past few decades, and return to a system of regulation that periodically corrects imbalances — and reminds us of limits. A system of Sabbath economics.

Interest is the ‘rent’ paid for money or capital – and right now, in a world in which millions have unpayable debts, unemployment is rising and incomes are shrinking as a share of the economy – the central banks of Britain, Europe and even the US are refusing to lower the ‘base rate’ or ‘policy rate’ which influences the remaining interest rates paid on capital. In Britain the rate has almost deliberately been kept at a level that will first bankrupt many individuals, small businesses and companies – and then bankrupt their bankers.

Only mainstream economists, dismissive of history, and who have therefore failed to learn the lessons of the 1930s and of Japan after 1990, could come up with such a ‘sound’ financial strategy.

Keynes wrote at the end of his great work ‘The General Theory of Employment, Interest and Money’ that ‘the owner of capital can obtain interest because capital is scarce, just as the owner of land can obtain rent because land is scarce. But whilst there may be intrinsic reasons for the scarcity of land, there are no intrinsic reasons for the scarcity of capital”.

On the same page, he wrote, somewhat over-optimistically it turns out, that his new framework for ensuring that capital is never scarce could ‘mean the euthenasia of the rentier and consequently, the euthanasia of the cumulative oppressive power of the capitalist to exploit the scarcity-value of capital”. For, he argued “interest today rewards no genuine sacrifice, any more than does the rent of land.”   (The General Theory. Macmillan, 1973. P. 376.)

Keynes defined the ‘rentier’ whose euthanasia he so ardently wished for as a ‘functioneless investor’.  I prefer the  more democratic Wiktionery definition: “an individual who does not work for a living, but instead receives an income, usually interest or rent, from their assets and investment.” Wall St. and the  City of London are awash with members of this rentier class.

Money, or capital is not a commodity – like land.  It is a social construct. It is, to put it crudely, a device that society has constructed to facilitate the exchange of goods.  It is the thing that oils the wheels of commerce.  However, unlike that viscous liquid, it is not dug up from the bowels of the earth. Its extraction is not likely to ‘peak’.   It does not grow on trees.  For, unlike trees, it is not dependent for its existence on the vagaries of the weather.  No society can ensure – or more specifically society’s civil servants at the Bank of England can ensure – that this valuable economic lubrication is never scarce.  The ‘guardian of the nation’s finances’ can undertake certain measures to ensure that the rent on this vital ‘ lubrication’ is not scarce and its rent not high for an economy like the UK’s, where many are drowning in debt.  Instead society (via its elected politicians) has chosen to allow the Bank of England to  hand control over this vital asset to a rentier class.

This happened when the  BoE, egged on by the finance sector, abrogated its powers (set up under Keynes) to end the scarcity of capital, and to keep the rent on capital low.  Instead it has authorised and overseen the building of a liberalised financial system (by the private sector) that has succeeded – against all the odds -  in making capital scarce.  Furthermore this private financial system, after blowing up a gigantic bubble of debt, has ratcheded up the rent on these debts, rendering debts unpayable.  This incompetence – for that is what it it is – has led to a global financial crisis, described  variously as the ‘armageddon’ the ‘credit crunch’ or a ‘financial train crash’ – that is destroying, yep, you’ve got it -  the private financial sector.  A form of painful self-harm by a rentier class reluctant to take up Keynes’s suggestion that they go all the way and commit euthenasia.

Instead, like Old Testament Methuselas they go on, and on, and on – extracting high rents from capital they have made scarce.  And the Prime Minister remains blissfuly ignorant, and the Old Lady of Threeadneedle St. stands by, twiddling her thumbs.